Navigating “Trump 2.0” in Southern California: A Data‐Driven Look
During the Trump 1.0 era, local Republican candidates routinely found themselves trapped by the “Trump factor.” When Democrats and independents branded them as “too Trumpy,” they risked losing moderate voters who dislike Trump’s style. But if they distanced themselves from Trump, they alienated the Republicans who embraced his combative, populist approach. Looking ahead to 2026—what might be seen as “Trump 2.0”—the same puzzle looms, especially as both the electorate and the GOP continue to evolve.
Although local races in California are technically nonpartisan, national politics often seep into these contests. By leveraging the Ballot Book’s extensive database, we can analyze where Trump’s support is strongest or weakest at the local level, examine which voters continue to gravitate to Trump, and explore the implications for Republican candidates seeking office.
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Overview of the Data
Our analysis focused on 150 cities across Southern California: San Diego, Orange, Los Angeles, and Ventura Counties. We gathered four primary data points:
- Trump’s 2024 GOP Primary Support: His share among Republican primary voters.
- Trump’s 2024 General Election Support: His share of the vote among all voters (Democrats, independents, and Republicans).
- Median Household Income: A key demographic indicator that helps us understand which communities lean toward Trump and which lean toward more traditional Republicans.
- Baseline Republican Performance: An average measure of historical Republican support derived from past top-of-the-ticket election results (previously described in analyses of Assembly and Congressional candidate performance).
Although these local races are nonpartisan, this data provides insight into whether a city’s Republican voters potentially lean “Trump-first” or prefer conventional GOP candidates, and how local demographics shape broader general-election outcomes.
Income Tier Analysis
To understand the relationship between income and Trump support, we sorted the 150 cities into five income tiers:
Income Tier | City Count | Avg Trump Primary % | Avg Baseline Rep % |
---|---|---|---|
Under $75,000 | 21 | 84.61% | 25.69% |
$75,000-$100,000 | 50 | 81.28% | 37.86% |
$100,000-$125,000 | 36 | 77.92% | 44.74% |
$125,000-$150,000 | 22 | 73.95% | 47.26% |
Over $150,000 | 21 | 68.93% | 49.33% |
In brief, lower‐income tiers registered higher Trump support in Republican primaries but showed lower overall Republican performance once Democrats and independents joined the fray. Conversely, wealthier cities showed less primary enthusiasm for Trump but a stronger baseline Republican performance overall.
This pattern aligns with two notable statistical findings:
- A strong negative correlation (-0.70) between Trump’s primary share and median household income: the lower the income, the higher Trump’s primary share.
- A positive correlation (0.53) between baseline Republican performance and median income: wealthier communities historically support Republican candidates at higher rates, regardless of Trump.
Of course, these patterns aren’t absolute. Affluent enclaves in certain coastal or tech‐oriented regions still tilt Democratic, underscoring the influence of local culture and industry on political alignment. Additionally, while the Republican primary electorate differs from a general‐election crowd, examining primary results offers a clear snapshot of the local GOP base—primary voters are, by definition, the party faithful who shape each city’s Republican identity.
The Strategic Dilemma for 2026
For candidates in lower‐income areas, distancing from Trump risks alienating Republican voters who are more “Trump‐first” than “Republican‐first.” Yet these localities usually lean Democrat overall, meaning a candidate still needs moderate or independent voters to prevail. In higher‐income communities, the reverse holds true. Republican candidates can more comfortably pivot away from Trump without losing the base—these voters have typically favored the “traditional” GOP message of low taxes and business‐friendly policies.
Zooming In on Competitive Cities
The income tiers discussed above provide a broad framework for understanding how Trump performs across different socioeconomic landscapes. But for many local candidates, the real pressure point lies in competitive cities—places where the baseline Republican vote falls between 46% and 54%, meaning either party can plausibly win.
To illustrate how local dynamics might tilt a Republican candidate toward or away from a Trump‐heavy message, we compiled the table below. It shows each city’s Trump 2024 Primary share, its 2024 General performance for Trump, the city’s baseline Republican percentage, and median income (along with an income percentile ranking among all California cities).
City | County | Trump Primary % | Baseline Republican % | Trump 2024 General % | Median Income | Income Percentile |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
San Marino | Los Angeles | 57.67% | 47.97% | 42.12% | $187,633 | 92.7 |
Palos Verdes Estates | Los Angeles | 61.57% | 53.35% | 44.20% | $247,500 | 97.3 |
Coronado | San Diego | 64.67% | 53.91% | 46.36% | $135,056 | 80.7 |
Rolling Hills Estates | Los Angeles | 65.43% | 51.85% | 45.88% | $187,500 | 92.5 |
Westlake Village | Los Angeles | 68.18% | 48.33% | 42.58% | $174,069 | 90.9 |
Hidden Hills | Los Angeles | 69.39% | 48.27% | 45.06% | $250,001 | 97.7 |
Rancho Palos Verdes | Los Angeles | 69.46% | 49.05% | 42.83% | $175,307 | 91.1 |
Arcadia | Los Angeles | 71.47% | 47.38% | 44.39% | $116,142 | 70.1 |
Carlsbad | San Diego | 73.25% | 46.53% | 41.27% | $139,326 | 82.6 |
Poway | San Diego | 74.40% | 53.23% | 47.43% | $143,825 | 84.2 |
Thousand Oaks | Ventura | 74.68% | 47.56% | 43.21% | $134,367 | 80.1 |
Camarillo | Ventura | 75.50% | 50.22% | 45.67% | $109,390 | 66.0 |
Laguna Niguel | Orange | 75.52% | 53.33% | 49.99% | $140,605 | 83.2 |
Seal Beach | Orange | 76.16% | 51.84% | 47.24% | $83,045 | 39.8 |
Laguna Hills | Orange | 76.31% | 51.58% | 49.99% | $122,778 | 74.7 |
Lake Forest | Orange | 77.41% | 52.13% | 48.11% | $131,378 | 78.4 |
Fullerton | Orange | 77.62% | 48.03% | 44.58% | $104,219 | 61.0 |
Moorpark | Ventura | 77.69% | 49.71% | 45.35% | $149,403 | 85.7 |
Aliso Viejo | Orange | 78.22% | 48.18% | 45.54% | $137,970 | 82.2 |
Los Alamitos | Orange | 78.31% | 52.42% | 49.61% | $98,539 | 56.0 |
Placentia | Orange | 78.36% | 54.00% | 49.84% | $110,575 | 67.6 |
Cypress | Orange | 78.66% | 51.41% | 48.44% | $124,167 | 75.1 |
Orange | Orange | 78.88% | 52.77% | 48.42% | $116,945 | 70.5 |
La Palma | Orange | 79.03% | 48.45% | 46.00% | $115,833 | 69.9 |
Costa Mesa | Orange | 79.35% | 48.31% | 47.30% | $110,073 | 67.2 |
San Marcos | San Diego | 79.35% | 47.46% | 43.24% | $105,286 | 62.7 |
La Verne | Los Angeles | 79.55% | 53.71% | 51.17% | $104,565 | 61.8 |
Escondido | San Diego | 79.64% | 50.71% | 46.21% | $84,477 | 41.7 |
Diamond Bar | Los Angeles | 79.92% | 46.99% | 46.19% | $106,602 | 63.9 |
Avalon | Los Angeles | 80.24% | 46.58% | 42.92% | $91,713 | 49.0 |
Santa Clarita | Los Angeles | 80.77% | 51.05% | 48.58% | $119,926 | 72.6 |
Oceanside | San Diego | 80.96% | 46.43% | 44.17% | $93,724 | 51.5 |
La Mirada | Los Angeles | 81.33% | 51.93% | 49.38% | $110,177 | 67.4 |
La Habra | Orange | 81.85% | 49.13% | 47.83% | $98,158 | 55.6 |
Vista | San Diego | 81.98% | 46.57% | 44.56% | $91,854 | 49.2 |
Buena Park | Orange | 82.93% | 46.88% | 47.42% | $108,187 | 64.5 |
Lancaster | Los Angeles | 84.66% | 47.44% | 45.61% | $76,083 | 30.1 |
Garden Grove | Orange | 85.40% | 50.12% | 51.34% | $90,166 | 47.7 |
For added context, the Trump primary average was 78.09% across the 150 cities we examined. He received 79.2% across the entire state.
Why This Matters to Republican Candidates
A closer look at the table reveals why Trump’s local performance matters strategically:
-
Identifying Where Trump Overperforms the “Generic” Republican
- In cities like Lancaster or Garden Grove, Trump’s primary support soars above 80%, and his general‐election share equals or even exceeds the baseline Republican vote.
- Takeaway: Candidates here likely can’t disown Trump without alienating a large chunk of their core voters, who appear far more “Trump‐first” than “Republican‐first.”
-
Noting Where Trump Undershoots Traditional GOP Performance
- In wealthier enclaves like San Marino or Palos Verdes Estates, Trump’s primary percentage lands in the 60–70% range. Although the citywide GOP baseline remains near 50%, it’s clear that local Republicans aren’t as enthralled by Trump’s populist style.
- Takeaway: Campaigning on a measured, business‐friendly message may prove more effective than heavily invoking Trump.
-
Connecting Income and Voting Patterns
- Higher‐income cities (e.g., Rolling Hills Estates, Westlake Village) show somewhat weaker Trump enthusiasm yet remain close to 50/50 in general elections. This indicates a voter base open to conservative economic policies but skeptical of Trump’s tone.
- Mid‐income areas (e.g., Buena Park, La Habra) can be equally competitive yet exhibit stronger pro‐Trump sentiments among Republican primary voters, reflecting a more populist cultural appeal.
-
Calibrating the Campaign Message
- If Trump’s general‐election share matches or exceeds the standard Republican vote, emphasizing his brand can potentially energize the base without sacrificing too many swing voters.
- If Trump lags behind the generic Republican performance, that signals a need to pivot away from his rhetoric and highlight local issues such as zoning, policing, or schools—areas where a candidate can win over independents and moderate Democrats.
Two Divergent GOP “Factions”
These numbers ultimately underscore two broad currents within the Southern California GOP:
-
Pro‐Trump Populists
- Often found in lower‐income or mid‐income areas where cultural conservatism and anti‐establishment attitudes run high.
- Trump frequently outperforms the party baseline, indicating a voter bloc keyed in on his combative style and populist appeals.
-
Traditional/Moderate Republicans
- Typically clustered in wealthier communities or places with a long history of pro‐business, low‐tax politics.
- These voters often underperform for Trump but exceed him when it comes to standard GOP candidates, suggesting they prefer conservative policy over culture‐war battles.
Practical Guidance for Republican Candidates
-
Gauge Primary vs. General Sentiment
- High Trump Primary Share? Downplaying Trump could cost essential GOP turnout.
- Trump Below the Baseline Republican? Moderates and independents may be wary of Trump’s style, so a more traditional campaign can pay off.
-
Tailor the Message
- Pro‐Trump Areas: Emphasize populism, cultural conservatism, and anti‐establishment appeals.
- Moderate/Traditional Areas: Focus on taxes, economic development, and pragmatic local governance.
-
Keep Local Issues Front and Center
- Regardless of Trump’s role, highlight what truly resonates in local elections—public safety, quality of life, and economic opportunities—to bridge partisan divides.
- Regardless of Trump’s role, highlight what truly resonates in local elections—public safety, quality of life, and economic opportunities—to bridge partisan divides.
Why These Patterns Persist
For decades, the GOP’s backbone in wealthier suburbs was largely defined by economic conservatism—low taxes, pro-business policies, and overall fiscal restraint. In many lower-income areas, however, those economic pitches carried less weight, so Republicans needed a culturally charged message to resonate with the grassroots voter who felt alienated by the political establishment.
Trump essentially turbocharged the cultural appeal—an “America First,” brash, anti-establishment brand—so lower-income Republicans rallied behind it with renewed zeal. Wealthier Republicans, on the other hand, often found that rhetoric off-putting or disruptive to the classic business-focused, small-government ethos that originally attracted them to the party. Hence, as Trump leaned harder into the cultural dimension, it widened the gulf between the lower-income cohort that embraced it and the higher-income group that preferred traditional GOP economic talking points.
Conclusion
As 2026 approaches, Southern California’s local Republican candidates must walk a tightrope. Trump’s brand retains a powerful pull in many lower‐income, culturally conservative areas, but it risks alienating moderates in wealthier suburbs. By combining quantitative data—Trump’s primary and general results, baseline Republican trends, and local demographics—with a nuanced understanding of each community, candidates can decide where to lean in on Trump’s populist message or pivot toward more traditional GOP themes.
Above all, recognizing the two “factions”—the Trump‐first populists versus the more business‐focused, moderate Republicans—is key. Those who ignore this divide risk losing vital support on either side. Meanwhile, campaigns that adapt their message stand the best chance of winning in Southern California’s competitive local contests.
Get the Data, Go Deeper
To help you explore these dynamics firsthand, we’ve provided free access to the raw export of data for the 150 cities analyzed here. For many readers, though, these jurisdictions may not directly apply to their own races—especially if they’re working elsewhere in California or in areas with very different demographics.
That’s where the Ballot Book comes in. Subscribers can instantly pull similar data for any jurisdiction, along with additional demographic and electoral insights that might otherwise take weeks to assemble. By leveraging these tools, political professionals gain a strategic edge, enabling them to tailor messaging and resource allocation with unprecedented precision. Of course, local quirks, candidate quality, and one‐off circumstances can always break the mold, but these data points offer a critical head start in any campaign’s planning process.
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